Politics

/

ArcaMax

As Congress leans on 'pro formas,' bills become law without Trump signature

Victor Feldman, CQ-Roll Call on

Published in Political News

WASHINGTON — With members largely in their districts to campaign in the final stretch before midterms, the House and Senate have transitioned to “pro forma” mode. But the rhythm of chambers gaveling in briefly every few days can mask the political undercurrents in the constant push and pull of power between Congress and the executive branch.

That dynamic was on display in July, when a blockbuster housing overhaul and a lesser-known measure expanding disaster relief payments to farmers quietly became law without the pomp and circumstance sometimes seen in presidential bill signings.

The two laws were enacted through what’s known as the “10-day rule.” The Constitution says that bills become law after 10 days, excluding Sundays, without a presidential signature — as long as Congress has not adjourned. Pro formas, brief meetings of the House or Senate during which business is not usually conducted, allow the chambers to stay in session.

The pair of bills enacted this summer appear to have little in common except this: Each was sponsored by members of the president’s party. Congressional experts say President Donald Trump’s penchant for using his political leverage, particularly against fellow GOP lawmakers, is among the driving forces for withholding a presidential signature.

“It’s not so much maybe about the actual policy of it, but about denying House and Senate Republicans the optics of a big bill signing,” said SoRelle Wyckoff Gaynor, assistant professor of public policy and politics at the University of Virginia.

That, she added, “is a powerful tool that really only Trump can wield.”

In the case of the housing law, Trump declared he would not sign the bill because he was frustrated that the Senate had not passed an election security bill that would require voters to prove their citizenship.

The president canceled a signing ceremony hours before it was scheduled to take place, catching Hill Republicans by surprise and effectively denying lawmakers a victory lap on the bipartisan package.

“When that bluff is called, [Trump] can either choose to make a high-profile signing ceremony on something he threatened to not allow,” said Casey Burgat, the director of the legislative affairs program at George Washington University’s Graduate School of Political Management. “Or he just kind of keeps it under the radar, knowing that it will become law.”

The new normal?

Congress’ use of pro formas to constrain the president’s ability to use a so-called pocket veto or make recess appointments has also contributed to the use of the archaic 10-day rule, experts say.

A pocket veto, the mirror opposite of the 10-day rule, occurs when a president allows legislation to sit for 10 days when Congress is adjourned, effectively killing it without having to issue a veto.

“They [House and Senate] are being so strategic, and they have since the mid-2000s, to stay in pro forma session pretty much every day that they’re not in full session,” Gaynor said. “Part of it is, of course, to avoid pocket vetos or recess nominees.”

Holding pro forma sessions also prevent the president from making recess appointments, which allow him to temporarily fill federal vacancies that require Senate confirmation. But the president can only do so while the Senate is in recess, and such appointments can only last until the end of the next legislative session.

Pro forma sessions gained popularity with congressional leaders in 2007, during the George W. Bush administration, when then Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., used it to block the president from recess appointments.

The strategy expanded when the GOP took control of the House in 2011 and Republican leaders forced both chambers to hold pro forma sessions in an unsuccessful effort to block President Barack Obama from making recess appointments to the National Labor Relations Board and the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau.

 

But in 2014, the Supreme Court ruled that several Obama administration appointments to the NLRB were unconstitutional, saying the Senate was not technically in recess.

Trump revives old practice

The practice of bills becoming law without the president’s signature appears to have begun under the presidency of James Buchanan, according to a survey by Harvard University published in 1890.

It reached an apex under Democratic President Grover Cleveland — coincidentally the other president to serve two nonconsecutive terms — occurring 283 times during his first term when he was contending with a GOP-controlled Senate.

Even so, the tactic appears to be exceedingly rare in the modern Congress. A search on Congress.gov indicates that nine measures have become law in the same manner in just over the past half-century, including the two bills under Trump.

Before this year, the last measure enacted under the 10-day rule was during the Obama administration, according to congressional records. In his last few months in office, Obama distanced himself from a measure to renew sanctions against Iran over concerns of undermining a landmark nuclear agreement with the country at the time. It became law without Obama’s signature.

For the 2026 farmer disaster aid law, Trump offered no such context.

“Typically we can reconstruct some semblance of an explanation,” said Sarah Binder, a political science professor at George Washington University and senior fellow at Brookings.

Former President Ronald Reagan, she noted, allowed a bill requiring a 60-day notice period before factory plant owners could shutter operations and commence layoffs to become law without his signature in 1988 in order to shore up Democrats’ support for key parts of his trade agenda.

Not long after, President George H. W. Bush stalled on a measure that made it a federal crime to desecrate the U.S. flag. He publicly cast doubt on its constitutionality, declaring his preference for a constitutional amendment instead.

But for Trump, it seems to be more of a power play. His efforts to intimidate fellow Republicans are part of the equation, experts say.

“The president at this stage of his second term obviously has some legislative demands that he doesn’t have the votes for,” said Burgat. “With so few levers of leverage, he’s threatening to veto things or not attach his signature unless his demands are met.”

When asked if the president plans to use the 10-day rule again this fall, the White House did not respond to multiple requests for comment.

But scholars say additional bills could be codified this year without the president’s signature, especially during a lame-duck session following the midterms.

“It’s something that I think is just going to become more common as Congress is essentially always in pro forma session,” Gaynor said.


©2026 CQ-Roll Call, Inc., All Rights Reserved. Visit cqrollcall.com. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

 

Comments

blog comments powered by Disqus

 

Related Channels

The ACLU

ACLU

By The ACLU
Amy Goodman

Amy Goodman

By Amy Goodman
Armstrong Williams

Armstrong Williams

By Armstrong Williams
Austin Bay

Austin Bay

By Austin Bay
Betsy McCaughey

Betsy McCaughey

By Betsy McCaughey
Bill Press

Bill Press

By Bill Press
Bonnie Jean Feldkamp

Bonnie Jean Feldkamp

By Bonnie Jean Feldkamp
Cal Thomas

Cal Thomas

By Cal Thomas
Clarence Page

Clarence Page

By Clarence Page
Danny Tyree

Danny Tyree

By Danny Tyree
David Harsanyi

David Harsanyi

By David Harsanyi
Dick Polman

Dick Polman

By Dick Polman
Erick Erickson

Erick Erickson

By Erick Erickson
Froma Harrop

Froma Harrop

By Froma Harrop
Jacob Sullum

Jacob Sullum

By Jacob Sullum
Jamie Stiehm

Jamie Stiehm

By Jamie Stiehm
Jeff Robbins

Jeff Robbins

By Jeff Robbins
Jessica Johnson

Jessica Johnson

By Jessica Johnson
Jim Hightower

Jim Hightower

By Jim Hightower
Joe Conason

Joe Conason

By Joe Conason
John Stossel

John Stossel

By John Stossel
Josh Hammer

Josh Hammer

By Josh Hammer
Judge Andrew P. Napolitano

Judge Andrew Napolitano

By Judge Andrew P. Napolitano
Laura Hollis

Laura Hollis

By Laura Hollis
Marc Munroe Dion

Marc Munroe Dion

By Marc Munroe Dion
Michael Barone

Michael Barone

By Michael Barone
Mona Charen

Mona Charen

By Mona Charen
Rachel Marsden

Rachel Marsden

By Rachel Marsden
Rich Lowry

Rich Lowry

By Rich Lowry
Robert B. Reich

Robert B. Reich

By Robert B. Reich
Ruben Navarrett Jr.

Ruben Navarrett Jr

By Ruben Navarrett Jr.
Ruth Marcus

Ruth Marcus

By Ruth Marcus
S.E. Cupp

S.E. Cupp

By S.E. Cupp
Salena Zito

Salena Zito

By Salena Zito
Star Parker

Star Parker

By Star Parker
Stephen Moore

Stephen Moore

By Stephen Moore
Susan Estrich

Susan Estrich

By Susan Estrich
Ted Rall

Ted Rall

By Ted Rall
Terence P. Jeffrey

Terence P. Jeffrey

By Terence P. Jeffrey
Tim Graham

Tim Graham

By Tim Graham
Tom Purcell

Tom Purcell

By Tom Purcell
Veronique de Rugy

Veronique de Rugy

By Veronique de Rugy
Victor Joecks

Victor Joecks

By Victor Joecks
Wayne Allyn Root

Wayne Allyn Root

By Wayne Allyn Root

Comics

David Horsey Dave Whamond Monte Wolverton Jeff Koterba Randy Enos Dana Summers